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Joe Anybody Latin America Solidarity
Thursday, 28 March 2013
Anti-Chavistas respond:
Mood:  d'oh
Now Playing: Ding Dong, the Caudillo's Dead?
Topic: Opposition Opinions

Anti-Chavistas Predictably Respond to Hugo Chavez' Death:

Ding Dong, the Caudillo's Dead?

 
Written by David Starr   
 
Wednesday, 27 March 2013 04:45
 
The title is paraphrasing the line in the great fantasy film, "The Wizard of Oz." But fantasy and reality are evidently hard to differentiate for opponents of Hugo Chavez. Like a group of Munchkins, characters in the film, they seemed to take an attitude akin to the Munchkins, who happily sang “Ding dong the wicked witch is dead!” Chavez wasn't the "Wicked Witch,” in this case, of Venezuela, despite being vilified by his reactionary opposition. But rather than protecting freedom and democracy, elitist anti-Chavistas are willing to continue to maintain Venezuela as a market satellite under the current U.S.-dominated world order of unequal relationships among nations, especially regarding the "Third World."

And Hugo Chavez came to realize that "Third World" conditions in Venezuela must stop, thus his government's social reforms to prioritize the interests/rights of the working class and poor, deservedly so since it is their labor that creates the capital elites/imperial interests, local, and foreign, profit heavily from in the relationship of capital over labor. (Without the latter, the former would never exist.)

It is also Chavez' support for Bolivarian independence, not just for Venezuela but for other Latin American/Caribbean nations, that can contribute to changing the balance of power in the region in a more indigenous-like manner that threatens profiteering. Anti-Chavistas also hate him for this.

But like it or not, Hugo Chavez will be an important and permanent symbol for protecting sovereignty and prioritizing a sustainable equality, not a bourgeois one.

Anti-Chavistas have celebrated the death of their working class enemy, belching out (without saying "excuse me") the usual freedom-loving facade covering imperial relations. Examples within the U.S. were par for the course, whether being patronizing, relieved or joyful. John Grant's piece published in CounterPunch (03/13/2013) called "Hugo Chavez and the Knuckleheads," revealed the enthusiasm of Sean Hannity and Michelle Malkin, both virtually getting off on Chavez' death using their "trademark" cheapshots. Grant also revealed more predictable anti-Chavism within the "mainstream U.S. media."

But it's the usual tiring theme: Chavez the "Tyrant, dictator, authoritarian, Commie," etc., Have they used the “Hitler” label yet?

Meanwhile there's a "fresh face" within the opposition posing as candidate for the Venezuelan presidency: Henrique Capriles. In an interview with Robert Giusti for El Universal (03/23/2013), Capriles echoed the holier-than-thou morality Chavez-haters are fond of, in this case calling his opponent, Chavez-picked Nicholas Maduro, a "fascist in his own right." This basically characterized his responses, which had a rather pretentious tone.

In Elizabeth Malimopoulos' article for Al Jazeera (03/11/2013) about Capriles, the latter portrays himself as a virtual champion of the working class and poor, citing his working class family background. But supporting neoliberal policies will threaten the working class and poor Venezuelans he claims to support. Chavez was and Maduro is working class also, only they tried to actually practice what they preach.

Capriles was, and probably still is, a candidate for the Roundtable of Democratic Unity (MUD, an appropriate acronym?), as reported by Rachel Booth in www.venazuelananylisis.com (08/23/2012). Booth revealed the creating of an economic plan by MUD before Venezuela's 2012 presidential election, of which Capriles ran in, and lost. "The plan includes the deregulation of the banks, opening up the economy to private investment and reduction of state funding for public services and communal projects. There also would be "cutbacks [in] food, housing and transport." This has already proven to be the slippery slope which is austerity, a 19th century-like economic policy. U.S. citizens themselves have experienced it, with the deregulation policies contributing to the 2008 Great Recession.

Booth quoted former governor of Anzoategui David de Lima about MUD's/Capriles' plan: "...there are two discourses, there's the economic discourse used to get votes, and the real one, that aims to place the economic policy of the country back in the hands of two or three sectors that always controlled it." The plan is compatible with Capriles' "upper-class family" owning "major stakes in newspapers, movie theaters and other businesses."

Another characteristic among Chavez-haters is colonial-style racism. Tariq Ali, in his piece, "Hugo Chavez and Me," published in CounterPunch (03/07/2013), asserts:

"Politicians like [Chavez] had become unacceptable. What [Chavez] loathed most was the contemptuous indifference of mainstream politicians in South America towards their own people. The Venezuelan elite is notoriously racist. They regarded the elected president as uncouth and uncivilized, a zambo of mixed African and indigenous blood who could not be trusted. His supporters were portrayed on private TV networks as monkeys. Colin Powell [probably still not learning his lesson about the U.S. GOP and its political nature] had to reprimand the U.S. embassy in Caracas for hosting a party where Chavez was portrayed as a “gorilla."

Chavez is obviously familiar with the racism: "I live here. I know them well."

A Capriles presidency could very well resemble that of Carlos Andres Perez, former president during the 1980s period of boom and bust economics. According to "Health and Liberalism: Venezuela and Cuba" by George Schulyer for the Policies Studies Organization, a government decision in 1983 to devalue Venezuela's currency-to focus on keeping up with the country's debt- fueled an already mismanaged, corrupt and failing economy. Poverty, crime and political instability erupted, inevitably leading to the 1989 food riots. Perez was later impeached.

Despite Capriles' blanket guarantees to reduce poverty, and emphasize education, employment and public assistance for the poor, the chance for neoliberal economics to return would show that his actions speak more truthfully than his words. Capriles is not a friend of the powerless. Perez condemned foreign debt as being responsible for the 1980s turmoil. Yet, he still allowed neoliberal economics to stay in place, which has fueled the debt along with further borrowing just to pay for debt, i.e., more debt paying off debt. Is Capriles like Perez in that regard?

Interim president Nicholas Maduro accused the U.S. of plotting to assassinate Capriles and shift blame on the government. He also accused plotters of contributing to Chavez' death. While this sounds like tabloid gossip, past U.S. actions in other countries have produced similar results.

The United States denied the accusations as “absurd.” But that's been the same line for years, regardless. And the denials have usually been false.

If elected, expect Capriles to follow the old script of imperial and economic subjugation. With Maduro, as with Chavez, in implementing compatible policies, expect a further chance for common Venezuelans to benefit and continuing the Bolivarian objective of sovereignty.

Anti-Chavistas, foreign and domestic, will continue to be haters; but for the sake of their own private interests/monopolies.

Posted by Joe Anybody at 12:01 AM
Saturday, 4 September 2010
PROPAGANDA - Negative spin on Good Life Card by International Press
Mood:  irritated
Now Playing: Chávez said the card could be used to buy groceries at the government chain of markets and supplies.
Topic: Opposition Opinions

 

adelgado@ElNuevoHerald.com

Presented by President Hugo Chávez as an instrument to make shopping for groceries easier, the ``Good Life Card'' is making various segments of the population wary because they see it as a furtive attempt to introduce a rationing card similar to the one in Cuba.

The measure could easily become a mechanism to control the population, according to civil society groups.

``We see that in short-term this could become a rationing card probably similar to the one used in Cuba,'' Roberto León Parilli, president of the National Association of Users and Consumers, told El Nuevo Herald. ``It would use more advanced technological means [than those used in Cuba], but when they tell you where to buy and what the limits of what you can buy are, they are conditioning your purchases.''

Chávez said Tuesday that the card could be used to buy groceries at the government chain of markets and supplies.

``I have called it a Good Life Card so far,'' Chávez said in a brief statement made on the government television channel. ``It's a card for you to purchase what you are going to take and they keep deducting. It's to buy what you need, not to promote communism, but to buy what just what you need.''

Former director of Venezuela's Central Bank, Domingo Maza Zavala, said this could become a rationing card that would limit your purchases in light of the country's recurring problems with supplies.

``If the intention is to beat inflation, they should find a good source of supply for the entire market and not only for centers that are part of social chains,'' he said. ``To do that, you need to encourage local production with the help of the private sector, since they cannot do it by themselves. The government cannot become the ultimate food distributor.''

Humberto Ortega Díaz, minister for public banking and president of the Venezuelan Bank, minimized such criticism and said that all this measure is trying to do is to improve service at the government supply chains.

``Why can't our Bicentennial chain use a card to make it easier for customers to buy their groceries?'' the minister said in an interview broadcast on a government channel. He said that this type of initiative has been used by private commercial entities.

Yet, critics pointed out that the measure could turn out not as innocent as the minister makes it to be, and they insist that the government control over the supply chain is too broad and depends greatly on imports the government authorizes through its currency exchange system.

In theory, the government could begin to favor the import of products to be sold through the government chains and have more control over the type of products purchased and the people buying them.

Jaime Suchlicki, director of the University of Miami's Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies, said that Venezuela's current problems of scarce supplies are very similar to those Cuba faced when Fidel Castro introduced the rationing card.

``The card emerged when goods began to become scarce,'' Suchlicki said. ``The government had seized many companies that did not work because the government managed them poorly. Then they decided to distribute groceries through those cards.''

And although the cards were introduced as a mechanism to deal with scarcities, Suchlicki said, they later became an instrument of control.

``People depended on the government to eat, and nothing gives you more power than having people depend on you to get their food quota,'' he said.



Read more: http://www.miamiherald.com/2010/09/04/1807508/venezuela-introduces-cuba-like.html#ixzz0yba8Gpdz

Posted by Joe Anybody at 12:14 PM
Wednesday, 7 October 2009
Critics Say Chavez Targeting Opponents For Arrest
Mood:  don't ask
Now Playing: NPR ..has article and audio podcast about Chavez targeting opponents
Topic: Opposition Opinions

Here's the latest anti-Chavez propaganda from National Public Radio.  It aired yesterday, Tuesday, Oct. 6, 2009.
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=113513484

Critics Say Chavez

Targeting Opponents For Arrest

Venezuelan students stage a hunger strike in support of Julio Cesar Rivas
Enlarge Thomas Coex/AFP/Getty Images

Venezuelan students spend the fifth day of a hunger strike outside the headquarters of the Organization of American States in Caracas on Sept. 28. Students across the country held a hunger strike in support of Julio Cesar Rivas, a student who was arrested during an anti-government demonstration in August, and others.

Thomas Coex/AFP/Getty Images

Venezuelan students spend the fifth day of a hunger strike outside the headquarters of the Organization of American States in Caracas on Sept. 28. Students across the country held a hunger strike in support of Julio Cesar Rivas, a student who was arrested during an anti-government demonstration in August, and others.

text sizeAAA
October 6, 2009

At a recent protest, dozens of university students in Caracas, Venezuela's capital, chant in the name of Julio Cesar Rivas.

The government arrested the 22-year-old student in August after a protest against Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. He was charged with inciting civil war and sent to one of Venezuela's most infamous prisons.

Fellow students went on a hunger strike to demand his release.

Calling Rivas a political prisoner, Rodolfo Spitaleri said the hunger strikers wanted to get the word out about the arrests of government opponents.

"We are taking extreme measures because the other measures we have taken before are not being answered," Spitaleri said.

Critics of Chavez say his government has been jailing dozens of key opponents — some of them students, some of them veteran politicians.

The government says they are dangerous adversaries who foment violence.

But human rights groups and constitutional experts say Venezuela is increasingly singling out and imprisoning its foes in politically motivated witch hunts.

Carlos Ayala, a constitutional and human rights lawyer, says there are currently 40 or more people in jail for opposing Chavez. He says that the government uses charges like those against Rivas as a cover.

Venezuelan student Julio Cesar Rivas
Enlarge Carlos Hernandez/AP

Venezuelan student Julio Cesar Rivas speaks with reporters outside the offices of the Organization of American States on Sept. 28. He was released after two weeks in prison, although charges against him have not been dropped.

Carlos Hernandez/AP

Venezuelan student Julio Cesar Rivas speaks with reporters outside the offices of the Organization of American States on Sept. 28. He was released after two weeks in prison, although charges against him have not been dropped.

"Those reasons will always serve to explain the formalities, or why they are in prisons. But really, the motivation in all of those cases is because of their belief, their thoughts, their political expressions against the regime," Ayala says.

Chavez frequently denies holding political prisoners and touts his as one of the world's most democratic governments. People can protest — and they frequently do.

Chavez told CNN's Larry King in a recent interview that he was redistributing power so the people would govern. He often says he is not really interested in wielding power.

But rights lawyers say Chavez increasingly uses every means at his disposal, including a potent state-run media, to target his foes.

Mario Silva, the host of the state television show The Razor, skewers the opposition. He recently singled out Rivas after the university student was filmed protesting in Caracas.

"Look, these are his friends," Silva said in a mocking tone, showing pictures of Rivas, taken from his Facebook profile, with opposition leaders.

The message is that with friends like these, Rivas is out to destabilize the government.

The evidence used by prosecutors against Rivas was repeatedly presented on The Razor and on state TV news shows. In a video clip of Rivas at the Caracas protest, Rivas told a state TV reporter that he "wanted to go to the Congress."

Wilmer Flores, a top police official, later explained that Rivas was a threat — a leader of a dangerous group of militants.

 

Alfredo Romero, Rivas' lawyer, calls the charges against his client — among them, instigating civil war — outlandish.

"Instigation to civil war means that you actually instigate people to fight against each other, and the only thing that he said was that he wanted to go to the Congress," Romero says.

In the face of protests and the student hunger strike, the government released Rivas at the end of September after he spent three weeks in jail.

Rivas still has to deal with criminal charges. But Interior Minister Tareck El Aissami said the release showed that justice in Venezuela is independent.

El Aissami told state television that with the release, the government had once more debunked what he called countless opposition lies.

One day after his release, Rivas joined the hunger strike in the name of other detainees. He said he now has a duty to help all those who remain behind bars.


Posted by Joe Anybody at 3:23 PM

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